Title: Multi-valuation as the Agreement Hierarchy: Typology and Experiments
In this talk I present arguments for treating cross-linguistic agreement patterns of multi-valuation (Shen to appear) as an instantiation of the Agreement Hierarchy (Corbett 1979).
The nominal right node raising construction in (1) has been argued to involve a single probe that is valued by multiple goals; that is, it involves multi-valuation. I report experimental investigations in this construction. In contrast to the multi-valued N in (1), a T node that’s valued by two singular features can be spelled out as plural in summative agreement in (2) (Grosz 2015). Thus there is an asymmetry between multi-valued N and multi-valued T which remains unaccounted for.
(1) This tall and that short student(*s) are a couple. (multi-valued Ns)
(2) [Sue’s proud that Bill __ ] and [Mary’s glad that John __ ] have/has traveled to Cameroon. (multi-valued Ts)
Cross-linguistically, three out of the four logically possible patterns of multi-valued Ns and Ts are attested as in (3), parallel to the original Agreement Hierarchy observed for collective nouns. I argue that this asymmetry is an instantiation of the Agreement Hierarchy (Corbett 1979 et sq, Smith 2015).
a. Multi-valued Ns - singular, Multi-valued Ts - singular: Slovenian.
b. Multi-valued Ns - plural, Multi-valued Ts - plural: Russian.
c. Multi-valued Ns - singular, Multi-valued Ts - plural: English.
d. Multi-valued Ns - plural, Multi-valued Ts - singular: unattested.