Prof. Sabina Halupka-Rešetar from the University of Novi Sad will give a colloquium talk on Feb. 6, at 4pm in SH 2.106.

Abstract: In this talk, I examine the phenomenon of multiple wh-fronting on the level of a DP/NP in Serbian. Even though Serbian is a multiple wh-fronting language (1) (Rudin 1988; Bošković 1997; 1998; Stjepanović 1999), multiple wh-fronting in a DP/NP is generally not allowed (2) unless the highest wh-word is koliko ‘how much/many’(3-4).

(1) Ko    koga   vidi/Koga    ko     vidi?

      who whom sees/ whom who sees

     ‘Who sees whom?’ (Bošković 2008: 4)

2) *Čiji              koji             /*Koji            čiji                kaput        je

     whose.Nom which.Nom/ which.Nom whose.Nom coat.Nom be.3sg.pres

     nestao?

     disappeared.masc.sg

     ‘Whose which/*Which whose coat has disappeared?’

3)  Koliko        kojih              novčanica         ima                  na stolu?

     how-many which.pl.Gen banknotes.Gen have.3sg.pres on table.Loc

     ‘How many of which banknotes are there on the table?’

4) *Kojih               koliko        novčanica         ima                  na stolu?

      which.pl.Gen how-many banknotes.Gen have.3sg.pres on table.Loc

     ‘Which how many banknotes are there on the table?’

In order to account for this, I propose that the koliko wh-phrase is in Spec,#P, an optional quantificational phrase, while all other wh-phrases in the nominal domain have to move to Spec,DP to check a definiteness feature on D and are therefore mutually exclusive. I also suggest that koliko is the only wh-word which can move out of the nominal domain to Spec,FocP and subsequently to Spec,ForceP to type the clause, but when #P is not in the structure, the wh-word from SpecDP will raise to SpecFocP.

Key words: syntax, wh-phrase, nominal domain, partitivity, Serbian.