GK Colloquium: Sabina Halupka-Rešetar (Novi Sad)
Prof. Sabina Halupka-Rešetar from the University of Novi Sad will give a colloquium talk on Feb. 6, at 4pm in SH 2.106.
Title: wh-phrases in the nominal domain in Serbian
Abstract: In this talk, I examine the phenomenon of multiple wh-fronting on the level of a DP/NP in Serbian. Even though Serbian is a multiple wh-fronting language (1) (Rudin 1988; Bošković 1997; 1998; Stjepanović 1999), multiple wh-fronting in a DP/NP is generally not allowed (2) unless the highest wh-word is koliko ‘how much/many’(3-4).
(1) Ko koga vidi/Koga ko vidi?
who whom sees/ whom who sees
‘Who sees whom?’ (Bošković 2008: 4)
2) *Čiji koji /*Koji čiji kaput je
whose.Nom which.Nom/ which.Nom whose.Nom coat.Nom be.3sg.pres
‘Whose which/*Which whose coat has disappeared?’
3) Koliko kojih novčanica ima na stolu?
how-many which.pl.Gen banknotes.Gen have.3sg.pres on table.Loc
‘How many of which banknotes are there on the table?’
4) *Kojih koliko novčanica ima na stolu?
which.pl.Gen how-many banknotes.Gen have.3sg.pres on table.Loc
‘Which how many banknotes are there on the table?’
In order to account for this, I propose that the koliko wh-phrase is in Spec,#P, an optional quantificational phrase, while all other wh-phrases in the nominal domain have to move to Spec,DP to check a definiteness feature on D and are therefore mutually exclusive. I also suggest that koliko is the only wh-word which can move out of the nominal domain to Spec,FocP and subsequently to Spec,ForceP to type the clause, but when #P is not in the structure, the wh-word from SpecDP will raise to SpecFocP.
Key words: syntax, wh-phrase, nominal domain, partitivity, Serbian.